I
once attended an interview at a private school where they were
insistent that the preferred candidate should have the skills to
teach across the ability range. They were, they said, non-selective
in their intake of students. I reckon that annual fees upwards of
£30,000 can be taken as something of a selection procedure even if
they were concerned that an entrance exam should not exclude those in
need of a top notch education. Selection is part of the nature of
schooling, it is why children sit all those tests culminating in
national examinations in late adolescence. It is why parents who can
afford it will spend the money to send their children to independent
schools with smaller class sizes and impressive facilities. If our
children’s economic worth is to be measured by their exam results
then it is thought to be an investment well worth making. If the
famous public school ethos of service, duty and resilience were all
that it produced it would not make a sound investment.
Education
has always had the function of selection, identifying a top, middle
and bottom, as it were, of yearly cohorts of children based on
externally verified tests sat at 16 and 18. To some extent teachers
have always been judged according to the academic progress of their
classes but the intensity of this process has been hiked up under
successive governments. Teachers are now at the forefront of two
agendas: 1) the search for a workforce that is skilled at the right
levels for the global competitiveness of British firms (though there
is debate about what the right level is); 2) the use of education to
tackle widening inequality of opportunity (though not tackling
inequality itself).
So
what is the right level of skills for the workforce? Jurgen Maier,
CEO of Siemens, speaking earlier this year to the Confederation of
British Industry’s annual conference said that what was required
was a return to a selective system of education. Indeed selection
into academic and vocational pathways is commonplace in European
countries. However, in Britain the debate around grammar schools is
haunted by the historic links to Cyril Burt and the like in the 1920s
and 30s who wanted selection (and Burt made up the results of a
survey of IQ to fit his case) in order to concentrate education
spending on those who were deemed capable of being educated, the rest
being dismissed (on the basis of a test at age 11) as incapable of
academic learning. In countries such as Germany, however, there is
more parity for vocational study with academic routes. From the
point of view of the capitalist class this makes sense. Those not
selected for academic routes still need to be trained and skilled to
enter the modern workforce. Cyril Burt’s approach of rejecting a
mass of children as incapable of learning may have suited the
circumstances of the Tory-leaning capitalist class in the inter-war
years when simple manual labour was still a large part of employment
(why educate those who won’t need it?) does not fulfil the needs of
today’s employment market.
Although
grammar schools are still the darling of the class-prejudiced
well-off (and therefore have a voice in the Tory party) they do not
fit the bill for the Department for Education, the Education
Secretary Nicky Morgan insisted recently that England would not
return to a grammar school system, that she did not want to “fight
the battles of the past”. Education as a process of selection,
though, is what is required because that is what employers require,
an efficient process of training the future workforce to the required
levels, no more, no less. Mr Maier therefore said he would welcome a
return to a grammar system, as long as vocational paths were
equally valued.
As
for 2) the problem is how do you increase equality of opportunity in
a situation of widening actual inequality? Now the problem for
teachers is that without selection into academic and vocational
routes they are expected to stretch all pupils equally regardless of
propensity in an increasingly packed and prescribed curriculum.
Hence the government’s focus (through Ofsted) on ensuring that all
pupils make progress and the desire to measure this by increasing the
amount of testing.
Hence Nicky Morgan’s recent announcement that ‘To be really
confident that students are progressing well through primary school,
we will be looking at the assessment of pupils at age seven to make
sure it is as robust and rigorous as it needs to be’.
Hence
also the government’s focus on exam standards: ‘Rather than
giving children from poor families access to great education, they
instead created a new cadre of pseudo qualifications, which claimed
to be equivalent to academic qualifications,’ Morgan recently said.
‘Teenagers got more certificates, and school results seemed to
improve. But the qualifications weren’t credible in the jobs market
– they weren’t real.’ This hits at a critical function of the
education system– to stratify according to ‘ability’. In
Britain vocational qualifications have always been regarded as for
the ‘less able’ and therefore of limited worth – sections of
British industry want to tackle this to open up training non-academic
routes but meeting a credible standard. The immediate objective of
the government is to crank up the pressure on schools and teachers by
imposing harder exams and holding schools to account for student’s
results (and school’s holding individual teachers to account).
Hence the recent headlines about ‘super-teachers’ with Morgan
announcing plans for a national teaching service with teachers
seconded to work in struggling schools. The idealism and sense of
vocation which drives many to train to teach is left behind very
quickly - the data-driven world of modern schools is an unpleasant
place to be for the high-minded. Which is why so many teachers are
leaving the profession, both newly trained and experienced. As
always in a capitalist society is that when you want more out of the
same resources employers squeeze more out the labour force,
increasing the intensity of work. Hence the interest of the
government in trying to measure the output of schools and teachers
through nationalised testing, data-focussed inspections and
pay-progression based on student progress data. Those interested in
teaching and learning need to firstly unite in one union to fight
such attacks on pay and conditions of work but also beyond
capitalism, to the separation of learning from the needs of profit.
C. SKELLY
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