The whole meat industry system is built around producing
cheap meat and it means that fewer and fewer low-income families, even in the
developed world, have access to high-quality meat.
Undocumented workers, many from Mexico and other parts of
Latin America, formed a perfect corporate workforce: thankful for their pay
cheques, willing to endure harsh working conditions, unlikely to unionise or
even complain. “They don’t ask for breaks. They don’t ask for raises,” one
worker at the Hormel plant in Fremont told me. “They just work harder and
harder, because they need to work.”
In modern meat-packing plants, the rate of production is set
by a chain conveyor system. The chain determines everything about how a day in
the plant goes, and workers often talk about it as if it were a living thing,
something to be feared.
In 2006 and 2007, when the American mortgage crisis began to
peak and then stock markets crashed worldwide, the freedom to run faster
production lines positioned Hormel to capitalise on demand the economic
downturn created for budget-friendly meat like Spam without significantly
increasing its workforce or raising wages to match the elevated output. The
industry has been stretched to the breaking point by the drive for cheaper and
cheaper meat. And Hormel, in particular, with its runaway demand for Spam and
no government regulation to slow things down, has pushed its lines to breakneck
speeds.Consider this:
In 2002, Hormel’s
production lines were running at 900 pigs per hour; by 2007, they were running
1,350 pigs per hour. That’s a 50% increase in five years, but the number of
workers on the line increased by only about 15%. So, obviously, everyone is
working harder, working faster, and mistakes occur, like the incident involving
Maria Lopez.
Statistically, people who work at any meat-packing plant for
five years have a nearly 50-50 chance of suffering a serious injury. And an
extensive study of packing-house workers conducted by the University of Iowa in
2008 suggested that the number of injuries may be significantly under-reported.
The study found that the large numbers of undocumented workers from Mexico and
other parts of Latin America are almost half as likely to report an injury or
job-related illness as their white counterparts.
Every hour, more than 1,300 severed pork heads would go
sliding along the belt. Workers sliced off the ears, clipped the snouts,
chiselled the cheek meat. They scooped out the eyes, carved out the tongues,
and scraped the palate meat from the roofs of mouths. The last worker harvested
the brains by inserting the metal nozzle of a 90lb-per-square-inch
compressed-air hose into the opening at the back of each skull, tripping a
trigger that blasted the pig’s brains into a pink slurry. (The brains were sold
in Asia as a thickener for stir-fry.) But each burst of air was also
aerosolising small amounts of porcine brain tissue, which workers were
unknowingly inhaling. The workers’ immune systems produced antibodies to
destroy the foreign cells, but because porcine and human neurological cells are
so similar, the antibodies didn’t recognise when the foreign cells had been
eliminated – and began destroying the healthy human neural tissue of the
workers. In the end, the plant experienced what the US Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention classified as an “epidemic of neuropathy”, involving
about two dozen employees, nearly all of them Hispanic, including several who
sustained permanent brain, spine and nerve damage. Once the cause was clear,
the machines were shut off. But after they filed workers’ compensation claims,
many say they were fired for not having legal immigration status; some received
compensation.
The speed of pork production is not only affecting the
health and safety of workers on the line; now lines are moving so fast that the
safety of consumers is being placed at risk. Inspectors have discovered pig
carcasses with lesions from tuberculosis, septic arthritis (with bloody fluid
pouring from joints) and smears from faecal matter and intestinal contents. But
the plants were never shut down. The chain never stopped. The US Department of
Agriculture’s inspector general warned that these “recurring, severe violations
may jeopardise public health” but concluded that because they do not face
substantial consequences for repeated food safety violations, “the plants have
little incentive to improve their slaughter processes”. Despite the report, the
agriculture department is not only advocating continuing a self-inspection
pilot project, but now is proceeding along a path towards implementing it
across the US. The government is arguing that the results of the programme are
sufficiently encouraging that the US should expand it to more than 600 pork processing
plants across America. Food safety advocates are asking the obvious question:
in what sane universe do you make America’s worst violators into the new model?
In 2012, one of the participating Canadian packing houses
was involved in the largest meat recall in the country’s history, more than 12m
pounds of beef in all, after 18 people were sickened by E coli from meat
processed at that plant. That same year, the US Food Safety and Inspection
Service visited the participating plants in Australia and, according to
internal communications, found repeated contamination of meat by faecal and intestinal
matter. In November 2013, the European commission published its own audit of
Australian meat from those plants being exported to Europe and concluded that
the privatised meat inspection system was not in compliance with EU food safety
regulations. In New Zealand, an exposé found that company-employed inspectors
were less likely to report problems than their government counterparts –and
even threatened government inspectors when they attempted to slow or stop
production because of food safety violations. One government inspector reported
“seeing copious amounts of faecal and other contamination being missed by the
company inspectors”. When asked the reason, he responded bluntly: “It’s the
speed of the chain.”
Because the speed of the chain determines everything about
production – from the farms to the factories to the grocery counter – it gives
new meaning to the Communist Manifesto slogan “The proletarians have nothing to lose but
their chains.”
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