Susan Rosenthal constructed an imaginative fictional interview with Frederick Engels for the purpose of comparing his findings with
current conditions, focusing mostly on the 2008 World Health Organisation
report on health and inequality. His words mostly taken from his book,
Condition of the English Working Class are in italics. She is responsible for
the rest of this imaginary conversation.
SR: In your book, you
emphasize the importance of personal observation.
Engels: The realities
of working-class life are so little known that even the well-meaning “societies
for the uplift of the working-classes,” are based on the most ridiculous and
preposterous judgments concerning the real conditions of workers. And yet, the
condition of the working-class is the real basis and point of departure of all
social movements.
I studied the various
official and non-official documents as far as I could get them, but I wanted
more than a mere abstract knowledge of my subject. I wanted to see workers in
their own homes, to observe them in their everyday life, to chat with them on
their conditions and grievances, to witness their struggles against the social
and political power of their oppressors. To do this, I gave up the company and
the dinner-parties, the port-wine and champagne of the middle-classes, and
devoted my leisure-hours almost exclusively to conversation with working folk.
I am both glad and proud of having done so. Glad, because I spent many a happy
hour in learning the realities of life – many an hour, which would otherwise
have been wasted in fashionable talk and tiresome etiquette; proud, because I
got the opportunity to do justice to an oppressed and falsely maligned class of
people, who with all their faults and under all the disadvantages of their
situation, yet command more respect than their brutally selfish ruling class.
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Class and Health
SR: You document a
strong link between class and health in England, which was the world’s richest
nation in your time.
Engels: In Liverpool,
in 1840, the average longevity of the upper classes, gentry, professional men,
etc., was 35 years; that of the business men and better-placed handicraftsmen,
22 years; and that of the operatives, day-laborers, and serviceable class in
general, only 15 years.
SR: The world’s
richest nation is now the United States, where death rates are not recorded by
class. However, the nation’s poorest adults are nearly five times more likely
to be in “poor or fair” health than the richest, and at every income level the
wealthier group is healthier than the one below it. You actually found a report
of differing mortality rates on different streets.
Engels: Dr. P. H.
Holland studied a suburb of Manchester. He divided the houses and streets into
three classes each, and found that the mortality in the streets of the second
class is 18 per cent greater, and in the streets of the third class 68 per cent
greater than in those of the first class; that the mortality in the houses of
the second class is 31 per cent greater, and in the third class 78 per cent
greater than in those of the first class; that the mortality in those bad streets
which were improved, decreased 25 per cent. Holland concluded his report with
this unusually frank remark.
“When we find the rate
of mortality four times as high in some streets as in others, and twice as high
in whole classes of streets as in other classes, and further find that it is
all but invariably high in those streets which are in bad condition, and almost
invariably low in those whose condition is good, we cannot resist the
conclusion that multitudes of our fellow-creatures, hundreds of our immediate
neighbors, are annually destroyed for want of the most evident precautions.”
SR: In the United
States, infant deaths are recorded by location and race, which are related to
class. In 2004, the US infant mortality rate was 7 for every 1,000 births, in Tennessee
it was 9, in Memphis it was 14, and in one ZIP code of Memphis (38108), it was
31, which is higher than many impoverished nations. The overall death rate for
Black babies is from two to three times higher than it is for White babies.
Engels: There is a
heavy mortality among young children in the working-class. The tender frame of
a child is least able to withstand the unfavourable influences of an inferior
lot in life; the neglect to which they are often subjected, when both parents
work or one is dead, avenges itself promptly, and no one need wonder that, in
Manchester, more than 57 per cent of the children of the working-class perish
before the fifth year, while but 20 per cent of the children of the higher
classes, and not quite 32 per cent of the children of all classes in the
country die under five years of age.
Contaminated Food
SR: You document the
poor quality of food consumed by the working class.
Engels: In the great
towns of England the best food can be found, but it costs money; and the
workman, who must keep house on a couple of pence, cannot afford much expense.
The potatoes which the workers buy are usually poor, the vegetables wilted, the
cheese old and of poor quality, the bacon rancid, the meat lean, tough, taken
from old, often diseased cattle, or such as have died a natural death, and not
fresh even then, often half decayed.
On the 6th of January,
1844 (if I am not greatly mistaken) in Manchester, eleven meat-sellers were
fined for having sold tainted meat. Each of them had a whole ox or pig, or
several sheep, or from fifty to sixty pounds of meat, which were all
confiscated in a tainted condition. In one case, fifty-four stuffed Christmas
geese were seized which had proved unsaleable in Liverpool, and had been
forwarded to Manchester, where they were brought to market foul and rotten. But
these are by no means all the cases; they do not even form a fair average.
SR: Contaminated food
is still an issue. In Britain in 1986, over a hundred people died and many more
were infected with a deadly brain disease (BSE) that was caused by feeding
diseased animal parts to cows that were then processed for human food. Most of
the victims were workers who eat cheap ground beef that is combined from many
carcasses.
Today, food is
produced and distributed on a much larger scale than it was in your time, which
makes the problem of contamination much more serious. In 2003, the first
BSE-infected cow was detected in the US. Before the diagnosis could be
confirmed, meat from the infected animal had been dispersed to more than eight
states, and the cow’s infected spinal cord had been incorporated into food for
pets, pigs, and poultry.
Engels: And when one
reflects upon the many cases that escape detection under the slender
supervision of the market inspectors – when one considers how great the
temptation must be, in view of the incomprehensibly small fines mentioned in
the foregoing cases; when one reflects what condition a piece of meat must have
reached to be seized by the inspectors, it is impossible to believe that the
workers obtain good and nourishing meat as a usual thing.
SR: We have more
regulations to protect the food supply, but they are poorly enforced.
Government food inspection agencies are so understaffed that the responsibility
for food safety has fallen to the same industries that profit by cutting
corners. And when the media report that people are getting sick and dying from
ingesting food contaminated with E. Coli, Listeria and other pathogens, the
government’s first move is to protect industry profits.
After the first
BSE-infected cow was identified in the US, the Department of Agriculture
announced that “the food supply is fully protected and consumers should feel
fully confident that the beef supply in this country is very safe to eat.” When
more diseased cows were identified, the DA announced that it was reducing
testing for BSE. Less testing lowers the risk of identifying sick animals.
Engels: The
capitalists have made progress in the art of hiding the distress of the
working-class.
SR: You also describe
extensive food adulteration.
Engels: Dealers and
manufacturers adulterate all kinds of provisions in an atrocious manner, and
without the slightest regard to the health of the consumers. Let us hear from
the Liverpool Mercury (I delight in the testimony of my opponents):
“Salt butter is molded
into the form of pounds of fresh butter, and cased over with fresh. In other
instances a pound of fresh is conspicuously placed to be tasted; but that pound
is not sold; and in other instances salt butter, washed, is molded and sold as
fresh…. Pounded rice and other cheap materials are mixed in sugar, and sold at
full monopoly price. A chemical substance – the refuse of the soap factories –
is also mixed with other substances and sold as sugar…. Cocoa is extensively
adulterated with fine brown earth, wrought up with mutton fat….Nasty things of
all sorts are mixed with tobacco in all its manufactured forms.”
SR: It’s no different
today. The better-off can afford a healthful organic diet, while the workers’
food continues to be adulterated. Most cheap foods are devoid of nutrients and
contain long lists of additives to enhance color, flavor, texture and
shelf-life. These low-nutrition,
high-profit food “products” fill the bellies of the working class, generating
digestive disorders, malnutrition, obesity, diabetes and many other diseases.
Child Drugging
SR: You condemn “the
custom of giving young children spirits, and even opium” to keep them quiet.
Engels: One of the
most injurious patent medicines is a drink prepared with opiates, chiefly
laudanum, under the name Godfrey’s Cordial. Women who work at home, and have
their own and other people’s children to take care of, give them this drink to
keep them quiet, and, as many believe, to strengthen them. They often begin to
give this medicine to newly born children, and continue, without knowing the
effects of this “heart’s-ease”, until the children die. The less susceptible
the child’s system to the action of the opium, the greater the quantities
administered. When the cordial ceases to
act, laudanum alone is given, often to the extent of fifteen to twenty drops at
a dose.
The effects upon the
children so treated may be readily imagined. They are pale, feeble, wilted, and
usually die before completing the second year. The use of this cordial is very
extensive in all great towns and industrial districts in the kingdom.
SR: Child drugging
has reached epidemic proportions today, with millions of youngsters being
prescribed powerful and addictive substances to keep them quiet.
Despite the many
parallels, conditions for workers in the industrial nations are generally
better then they were in your time. You acknowledge this in the 1892 preface to
your book when you wrote, “the most crying abuses described in this book have
either disappeared or have been made less conspicuous.”
Engels: The state of
things described in my book belongs, in many respects, to the past, as far as
England is concerned. Repeated visitations of cholera, typhus, smallpox, and
other epidemics have shown the British bourgeois the urgent necessity of
sanitation in his towns and cities, if he wishes to save himself and family
from falling victims to such diseases. Moreover, the capitalists were learning,
more and more, that they could never obtain full social and political power
over the nation except by the help of the working-class.
SR: Since your time,
capital accumulation has advanced exponentially, and the problems you describe
have spread to many other nations. We have the knowledge and technology to
protect our environment and our health, but the drive for profit is ruining
both. Your book covers so much more that we could discuss, but let’s proceed to
the matter of solutions.
What Must Be Done
SR: The WHO report
recommends improving living and working conditions and distributing power,
money, and resources more equitably so that everyone can enjoy a healthful
standard of living. To implement these measures, the report supports “the
primary role of the state in the provision of basic services essential to
health (such as clean water and sanitation) and the regulation of goods and
services with a major impact on health (such as tobacco, alcohol, and food).”
Engels: Has the
capitalist class ever paid any serious attention to social grievances? Have
they done more than pay the expenses of half-a-dozen commissions of inquiry,
whose voluminous reports are damned to everlasting slumber among heaps of waste
paper on government shelves? Have they even done as much as to compile from
those rotting blue-books a single readable book from which everybody might
easily get some information on the condition of the great majority. No indeed,
those are things they do not like to speak of.
SR: We now have a
mountain of reports on the condition of the working class, but none blame
capitalism for the problems they document, and all call for more State
regulation.
Engels: Regulations
are as plentiful as blackberries; but they only contain the distress of the
workers, they cannot remove it.
The relation of the
manufacturer to his operatives has nothing human in it; it is purely economic.
The manufacturer is Capital, the operative Labour. And if the operative will
not be forced into this abstraction, if he insists that he is not Labour, but a
man, who possesses, among other things, the attribute of labour-force, if he
takes it into his head that he need not allow himself to be sold and bought in
the market, as the commodity “Labour”,
the capitalist reason comes to a standstill. He cannot comprehend that he holds
any other relation to the operatives than that of purchase and sale; he sees in
them not human beings, but hands, as he constantly calls them to their faces.
That is the basis of
the system which tends more and more to split society into a few Rothschilds
and Vanderbilts, the owners of all the means of production and subsistence, on
the one hand, and an immense number of wage-workers, the owners of nothing but
their labor-force, on the other. So that inequality of all kinds is caused, not
by this or that secondary grievance, but by the system itself – this fact has
been brought out in bold relief by the development of capitalism.
SR: The WHO report
disagrees, assuring us that “the private sector has much to offer that could
enhance health and well-being,” in particular, by improving working conditions.
Yet such a measure would cut into profits.
Engels: When one
individual inflicts bodily injury upon another, such injury that death results,
we call the deed manslaughter; when the assailant knew in advance that the injury
would be fatal, we call his deed murder.
When society places
workers in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and an
unnatural death, one which is quite as much a death by violence as that by the
sword or bullet; when it deprives
thousands of the necessaries of life, places them under conditions in which
they cannot live – forces them, through the strong arm of the law, to remain in
such conditions until that death ensues which is the inevitable consequence –
knows that these thousands of victims must perish, and yet permits these
conditions to remain, its deed is murder just as surely as the deed of the
single individual; disguised, malicious murder, murder against which none can
defend himself, which does not seem what it is, because no man sees the
murderer, because the death of the victim seems a natural one, since the
offence is more one of omission than of commission. But murder it remains.
Capitalism daily and
hourly commits social murder. It has placed the workers under conditions in
which they can neither retain health nor live long; it undermines the vital
force of these workers gradually, little by little, and so hurries them to the
grave before their time. The capitalist class knows how injurious such
conditions are to the health and the life of the workers, and yet does nothing
to improve these conditions.
SR: Your book calls
on the capitalist class “either to continue its rule under the unanswerable
charge of murder and in spite of this charge, or to abdicate in favour of the
labouring-class. Hitherto it has chosen the former course.” Did you really
expect capitalists to abdicate their rule?
Engels: I confess that I was only 24 when I wrote that book and politically immature when I stressed
that socialism is a question of humanity and not of the workers alone. This is
true enough in the abstract, but absolutely useless, and sometimes worse, in
practice. So long as the wealthy classes not only do not feel the want of any
emancipation, but strenuously oppose the self-emancipation of the
working-class, so long the social revolution will have to be prepared and
fought out by the working-class alone.
And today, those who,
from the “impartiality” of their superior standpoint, preach to the workers a
Socialism soaring high above their class interests and class struggles, and
tending to reconcile in a higher humanity the interests of both the contending
classes – these people are either naive, with much to learn, or they are the
worst enemies of the workers – wolves in sheep’s clothing. [I explain this
in Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (1880).]
SR: I can see why the
capitalists refuse to acknowledge you as the founder of Social Medicine. They
recoil at your insistence that the only way to eliminate health inequality is
to abolish class divisions. Yet you continue to be proved right.
The WHO report
calculated that if racism were abolished so that mortality rates between White
and Black Americans were the same, 886,202 deaths would have been avoided
between 1991 and 2000. Over the same period, only 176,633 lives were saved by
medical advances.
The World Bank
estimates that $124 billion would be sufficient to end extreme poverty around
the globe and save millions of lives. That’s less than 0.7 percent of the GDP
of the 22 richest nations. Most of these nations give nothing close to this
pittance, yet they boast of their generosity.
Engels: The English
capitalist class is charitable out of self interest; it gives nothing outright,
but regards its gifts as a business matter, makes a bargain with the poor,
saying:
“If I spend this much
upon benevolent institutions, I thereby purchase the right not to be troubled
any further, and you are bound thereby to stay in your dusky holes and not to
irritate my tender nerves by exposing your misery. You shall despair as before,
but you shall despair unseen, this I require, this I purchase with my
subscription of twenty pounds for the infirmary!”
It is infamous, this
charity of a Christian capitalist! As though they rendered the workers a
service in first sucking out their very life-blood and then placing themselves
before the world as mighty benefactors of humanity when they give back to the
plundered victims the hundredth part of what belongs to them!
SR: The WHO report
starts with a bang – INEQUALITIES ARE KILLING PEOPLE ON A GRAND SCALE – and
ends with a whimper, with a plea for the “political will” to make change.
Engels: Having had
ample opportunity to observe the capitalist class, I have concluded that
workers are perfectly right in expecting no support whatever from them. Their
interest is diametrically opposed to those of the workers, though they always
will try to maintain the contrary and to profess their most hearty sympathy
with the suffering they cause. Yet, their actions give them away. I have
collected more than sufficient evidence of the fact, that – be their words what
they please – the capitalists want nothing more than to enrich themselves at
the expense of workers and to abandon them to starvation as soon as no further
profit can be made.
SR: Thank you for
taking the time to talk with us.
Engels: Don’t thank me. Organize!
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