WORKERS UNITED |
“Ten years ago, we didn’t have any conception of the law or
defending our rights,” said a worker involved in strike action against their Lide
shoe factory bosses. In the face of rising inequality, China’s government, over
the last decade, passed landmark laws establishing employee rights, including
social insurance payments from employers, and compensation when factories
relocate. But the Lide shoemakers had no doubts where the authorities stood.
“The government here just pressures us workers. It speaks on behalf of the
bosses,” said one worker of more than a decade. After a six-day stoppage, employees
went back to work, saying they had won sufficient concessions. “We basically
got what we wanted,” said one female worker. “But our pay is still low. How can
we be satisfied?”
Low-cost labour has been key to China’s decades-long
economic boom, and a newly found worker activism has authorities worried. There
were 1,379 protests by workers in China last year, more than tripling in just
three years, according to data from the Hong Kong-based China Labour Bulletin
(CLB). Employees have been empowered by a labour shortage and recent laws
giving them greater rights. “They are not only aware of their rights, but
understand that they are part of the working class, a class that increasingly
has the strength and ability to forge its own destiny,” CLB said.
Finance Minister Lou Jiwei last month warned that China
risks falling into a “middle income trap” if high wages make manufacturing less
profitable before the country can shift to less labour-intensive, more
value-added industries. He called legislation promoting bargaining between
workers and employees “scary”, and blamed excessive “union power” for the
multiple bankruptcies in the United States auto industry. The ‘Communist’ Party
fears an independent labour movement, and only allows one government-linked
trade union federation, which claimed 290 million members at the end of 2013,
which tends to side with employers. Authorities face a dilemma between raising
living standards for ordinary people, a key part of their claim to a right to
rule, and ensuring healthy profits for local industries — often with close
official connections. At the same time, they consider social unrest anathema
and want to see economic growth, but China is facing increasing labour cost
competition from elsewhere in Asia.
When activist Wu Guijun arrived in the manufacturing hub of
Shenzhen 13 years ago, strikes were almost unheard of, despite his meagre
monthly wages of just a few hundred yuan. “Workers struggled individually, and
rarely spoke of defending their rights,” he said. Workers have been emboldened,
Wu said. “As their living standards improved, they have started to pursue the
respect and status they deserve from society.” Wu turned to activism after
leading his co-workers in protest when his furniture factory faced sudden
closure in 2013. Despite striking or organising walkouts not being illegal, Wu
was detained by police for more than a year until prosecutors dropped charges
of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order”. Given a compensation payout of
more than 70,000 Yuan for unwarranted detention, he founded his own labour
rights organisation, the 100 Million New Labourers Centre. In a borrowed office
stocked with pamphlets on Chinese labour laws, Wu advises young workers on
strike tactics and how to use social media, despite the constant threat of
police harassment and detentions.
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