Party members will be
meeting at Mansion House tube station at 12 noon, to pick up leaflets and
Standards, before dispersing to hand them out and try to sell them to the
demonstrators gathering up the road outside the Bank of England (chosen because
the organisers think, or say they think, it was greedy bankers rather than
capitalism that caused the crisis.)
Reform or revolution has been the main debate in the workers’
movement for the past century. Today, austerity and heightened class struggle are
on the order of the day. Far from being
able to offer any genuine reforms, capitalism today is attacking all the gains
that workers had struggled for in the past. Free education; free health-care;
adequate welfare benefits and pensions: all of these are either under threat or
already long gone. Demands for full employment under capitalism remains a
utopian pipe dream. The austerity measures first introduced by the Labour
government, intensified under the Conservative/LibDem coalition and now being
extended by the new Tory government have led to the destruction of
public-sector jobs and the handing over of health, education and social service
budgets to the private sector. Real wages have fallen. Any hope of a decent
future is disappearing. Austerity policies are unleashing outrage and
opposition everywhere. Such parties as the Green Party posture as alternatives
to Labour but are nothing of the sort. Where they have been part of government,
as in Germany and Ireland, the Green Party has been complicit in imposing
austerity measures. As defenders of a system designed around profits, they are
incapable of offering anything more than trifling concessions to workers, and
that only after lengthy struggle. TUSC, too, has a programme with many popular
ideas, but it also is locked into capitalism and has no idea how to ‘pay for
them’ except for their ‘tax the rich’ rhetoric
Austerity has been criticised as an irrational policy, which
further exacerbates the economic crisis by creating falling effective demand.
However, this criticisms scarcely explains why such a policy persists, despite
its ‘failure’. In reality, economic crises express themselves above all in a
reduction of profitability of the capitalist class. Austerity constitutes a
strategy for raising capital’s profit rate. Austerity constitutes a strategy of
reducing business costs. Austerity reduces the price of labour, increases
profit per labour-unit cost and thus boosts the profit rate. It is complemented
by institutional changes that, on the one hand, enhance capital mobility and
competition and, on the other, strengthen the power of managers in the
enterprise and share and bondholders in society. As regards fiscal
consolidation, austerity gives priority to budget cuts over public revenue,
reducing taxes on capital and high incomes, and downsizing the welfare state.
However, what is cost for the capitalist class is the living standard of the
working majority of society. This applies also to the welfare state, whose
services can be perceived as a form of ‘social wage’. It is clear, therefore,
that austerity is primarily a class policy. It constantly promotes the
interests of capital against those of the workers, pensioners, unemployed and
economically vulnerable groups. In the long run, it aims at creating a model of
labour with fewer rights and less social protection, with low and flexible
wages and the absence of any substantial bargaining power for wage earners.
Recession puts pressure on every capitalist to reduce all
forms of costs, to more intensively follow the path of ‘absolute
surplus-value’, i.e. to try to consolidate profit margins through wage cuts,
intensification of the labour process, infringement of labour regulations and
workers’ rights, massive redundancies, etc. From the perspective of big capital’s
interests, recession gives thus birth to a ‘process of creative destruction’.
There is a redistribution of income and power to the benefit of capital, and
concentration of wealth in fewer hands as small and medium enterprises,
especially in retail trade, are being ‘cleared up’ by big enterprises and
shopping malls.
This strategy has its own rationality. It perceives the
crisis as an opportunity for a shift in the correlations of forces to the
benefit of the capitalist power, subjecting societies to the conditions of the
unfettered functioning of the market, attempting to place all consequences of
the systemic capitalist crisis on the shoulders of the working people. This is
the reason why, in a situation of such an intensification of social antagonisms
like today, no government will succumb to pressures to mitigate austerity
policies. Working people, however, in practically every capitalist country will
always be opposed to shrinking wages and precarious employment, the cut-back of
public services, and the raising the cost of education and healthcare, along
with the weakening of democratic institutions, strengthening the repression.
They will always conceive unemployment, precarious and underpaid work etc. as a
social illness that should be tackled by itself by reforms and not as a consequence
of the recovery of profits. Confronted with such a climate, labour face the
dilemma of deciding whether to accept the employers’ unfavourable terms,
implying loss of their own bargaining position, or face the possibility to lose
their job: accept the “laws of capital” or live with insecurity and
unemployment. Attempts to end the symptoms of capitalism, while not pulling its
roots, will invariably fail.
Some aspects of the Socialist Party’s goal must remain
vague, our path must remain unmapped or else we will fall into the trap of
imposing a blueprint. For many, it is clear what we are fighting against
but it can be harder to picture exactly what we are fighting for.
Socialists are not crystal-ball gazers. We cannot predict the future with
absolute certainty and so we cannot say exactly what socialism will look like
and we can only offer broad guide-lines about how it should even be achieved.
Society is not shaped by the speculation of the future but by the decisions and
actions of the present. Until we build for ourselves a mass movement of people
prepared to end a capitalism which has far outlived its usefulness and is
destroying our planet, we are going round in circles. It is unfortunate that
workers around the world do not seem to have the confidence to take the next
logical step, and move from being against austerity to being against
capitalism, and more crucially, for socialism.
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