Buddhism in similarity with all the other religions is not a homogenous entity. There’s an enormous divide between different schools in terms of practice, philosophy and structure. It is a religion encompassing a variety of traditions, beliefs and practices but is largely based on teachings attributed to Siddhartha Gautama, known as The Buddha. Again like the other religions, there are no reliable sources. Modern scholars do not recognise the Pali Canon as the original teachings of the Buddha but written down about 400 hundred years after the Buddha by the monastic establishment. The earliest surviving teachings are the fragmentary quotations to be found on the pillars of Ashoka.
Buddhism is concerned about two things in life we all have in common. Everybody wants happiness and nobody wants to die. Other religions have sought answers outside of the self with external gods or require the services of a saviour as an intermediator. Buddhism, is one of the few religions where there need not be a belief in God. Buddhism is essentially an atheistic religion. People in the West are accustomed to religions all being theistic, so the idea of an atheistic religion is a little difficult to comprehend. Three points are often cited for the argument that Buddhism should not be understood on the same terms as other religions, namely that Buddhism denies the existence of a god, that Buddhism denies the existence of the soul and that Buddhism is an empirical, experience-based teaching; followers being expected to test teachings for themselves through personal experience rather than accept them with ‘blind faith’. The Zen way states 'no reliance on words or letters'. Buddhism argues that the key to escaping from a cycle of pleasure and suffering is to move towards a difficult-to-define concept called enlightenment. Maybe it's achievable, maybe it isn't, but it is argued that the paths that (allegedly) lead in the direction of enlightenment are valuable ones. But people being people, gods have been added to Buddhist practice over the centuries and many superstitious folk beliefs in spirits and ghosts have been incorporated. Many Buddhists in many Asian countries make pilgrimages of hundreds, if not thousands, of miles to holy Buddhist relics, or the temples where venerated monks were said to have performed amazing feats. Many Thai (and other Asian) people will pay obscene amounts of money for amulets that have been blessed by venerated monks. Not all adherents to Buddhism are atheists but belief in gods isn’t required by Buddhism and quite a few Buddhists don’t bother believing in any gods.
Some socialists find Buddhist beliefs reflect the main tenets of historic materialism. The Karmic Law is a ‘cause and effect’ law. Karma is not a cosmic system of justice and retribution. There is no unseen judge pulling the strings of karma to punish wrongdoers. Karma is as impersonal as gravity. What goes up does come down; what you do is what happens to you. According to Buddhism actions return to the actor. Good actions will be returned, and bad actions will also be returned. This is obviously true in social relationships. If we behave with kindness and generosity to our neighbours, they will return our kindness. Conversely, a harmful act may lead to vicious circles of revenge and counter revenge. What goes around, comes around as some say.
Nothing is lost in the universe but everything is in a state of flux and always changing. Rebirth means changing as we are all learning and growing all of the time, not reincarnation. You are no longer the person you were when you were 10 years old (or 10 minutes ago) you have been “reborn” and rebirth takes place in every moment.
Buddhist Politics
But a blind spot exists on the subject of Buddhism is concerned in Leftist circles. Where religion as a whole is condemned as dogmatic and regressive, Buddhism often escapes the criticism.
If vegetarianism and the related concept of non-violence gradually took hold in India, the credit seems to belong to Jain rather than Buddhist ascetics. Buddhism is not necessarily peaceful. In Japan the Zen school was the religion of the samurai, the hereditary military ruling class in Japan for 750 years. Michael Jerryson, co-editor of Buddhist Warfare, a collection of essays , explains "why did I (and many others) hold the belief that Buddhism = Peace (and that other religions, such as Islam, are more prone to violence)? It was then that I realized that I was a consumer of a very successful form of propaganda." South-East Asian Buddhist kingdoms were as militarily aggressive and self-seeking as any other. Jamsaran, the God of War, which was incorporated into the Buddhism of Northern Asia.
Even the Buddha’s rebellion against the caste system has been unable to prevent the Buddhist monks themselves becoming a parasitic burden on the populace.
If we look at historical accounts of Lamaism in Tibet, the picture that emerges is rather different from the idealised, romantic visions perpetrated by Western supporters of the religion such as Richard Gere and others. Until the late 1950s, Tibet like many other feudal societies we are familiar with was largely owned by wealthy monasteries and secular landlords, divided up into manorial estates and worked by serfs. The land owners accumulated enormous levels of wealth at the expense of peasants’ labour. Serfs were tied in lifelong bonds to work the land of the masters and were subjected to heavy taxation. Monasteries acted like banks, lending money to pay the taxes and charging such high levels of interest that many were held in debt to them for years. Punishment for petty crimes was often brutal and monasteries fought between themselves over land possession and local power. In short then, the power structures in ‘old’ Tibet were no better, and no worse, than those in feudal Europe. The peasant boy in Tibet before the Chinese invasion had only two life choices, to be beggared by the aristocracy or buggered by the clergy.
Dalai Lama, the "saintly" icon, in 1996, announced a ban on the worship of a Buddhist deity called Dorje Shugden. He declared this ban not only in his capacity as a "spiritual leader", but as head of a government-in-exile. For the Dalai Lama was at that time the supreme head (unelected) of a state; albeit a state-in-waiting (Tibet) that is based in Dharamsala in northern India. It has a sizeable state machine; a parliament, cabinet, government departments, and most notably a Security Bureau. To fund this a tax is levied on all Tibetan refugees, non-payment of which results in official loss of "citizenship". On the question of democracy, when the Vice President of the Tibetan parliament was asked if any political decision could conceivably be taken in opposition to the Dalai Lama he answered, "no, not possible". Those refusing to accept the ban on Shugden have accordingly been labelled as enemies of the state and Chinese agents and, in reference to Tibet's provision at paper constitution, the government-in-exile has declared that, "concepts like democracy . . . are empty when it comes to the well-being of the Dalai Lama and the common cause of Tibet". The lengths to which the Dalai Lama would be prepared to go to maintain his authority were hinted at in an interview in 1997 where he stated:
"If . . . there was only one learned Lama . . . alive, a person whose death would cause the whole of Tibet to lose all hope of keeping its Buddhist way of life, then it is conceivable that in order to protect that one person it might be justified for one or ten enemies to be eliminated . . .”
Hundreds of cases of house arrest, destruction of personal property, and harassment by Dalai Lama supporters have been reported. In addition posters denouncing religious dissidents have become commonplace in Tibetan exile communities. These notices generally include the name, address and photo of the particular "enemy of the state" and the schools their children attend. It is little wonder that some have become refugees all over again.
In 1996, the Dalai Lama issued a statement that read, “Marxism is founded on moral principles, while capitalism is concerned only with gain and profitability. [Marxism fosters] the equitable utilisation of the means of production [and cares about] the fate of the working classes… For those reasons the system appeals to me, and . . . I think of myself as half-Marxist, half-Buddhist.”
Brian Daizen Victoria documented in his book Zen at War how Buddhist institutions justified Japanese militarism in official publications and cooperated with the Japanese Army on the battlefield. In response to the book, several sects issued an apology for their wartime support of the government.
In Sri Lanka we have witnessed the Venerable Athuraliye Rathana who looks the very embodiment of peace, but when he discussed the Tamil Tigers, he sounded more like an
army general. "Day by day we are weakening them militarily. Talk can come later." Hard-line monks are at the vanguard of Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, which views Tamil Hindus as
outsiders. In January, they joined the government with their own party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya or National Heritage Party. Buddhist monks have also led attacks on Sri Lankan muslims. In Sri Lanka, the issue of halal slaughter has been a flashpoint. Led by monks, members of the Bodu Bala Sena - the Buddhist Brigade - hold rallies, call for direct action and the boycotting of Muslim businesses, and rail against the size of Muslim families.
Nor is it a recent manifestation. Prof Walpola Sri Rahula Maha Thera describes a war of national independence in Sri Lanka in the second century BC conducted under the slogan 'Not for kingdom, but for Buddhism.
In the past few months in Myanmar we have seen Buddhist monks inciting their followers to anti-muslim pogroms. A monk, Ashin Wirathu, who was jailed in 2003 for inciting religious hatred, leads the 969 movement. A religious minority is used as the scapegoat for the frustrated aspirations of the majority we have witnessed many dying in the communal violence.
Christian crusaders, Islamist militants, or the leaders of "freedom-loving nations", all justify what they see as necessary violence in the name of a higher good. Buddhist rulers and monks have been no exception. Any religion starts out, sooner or later it enters into a Faustian pact with state power. Buddhist monks looked to kings, the ultimate wielders of violence, for the support, patronage and order that only they could provide. Kings looked to monks to provide the popular legitimacy that only such a high moral vision can confer.
There is now a school of Buddhism called “Dhammic Socialism” and a growing movement of "Engaged Buddhism" that seeks to change the world but Buddhism, in the end, must also stand accused by socialists as do all other religions.
Buddhism is concerned about two things in life we all have in common. Everybody wants happiness and nobody wants to die. Other religions have sought answers outside of the self with external gods or require the services of a saviour as an intermediator. Buddhism, is one of the few religions where there need not be a belief in God. Buddhism is essentially an atheistic religion. People in the West are accustomed to religions all being theistic, so the idea of an atheistic religion is a little difficult to comprehend. Three points are often cited for the argument that Buddhism should not be understood on the same terms as other religions, namely that Buddhism denies the existence of a god, that Buddhism denies the existence of the soul and that Buddhism is an empirical, experience-based teaching; followers being expected to test teachings for themselves through personal experience rather than accept them with ‘blind faith’. The Zen way states 'no reliance on words or letters'. Buddhism argues that the key to escaping from a cycle of pleasure and suffering is to move towards a difficult-to-define concept called enlightenment. Maybe it's achievable, maybe it isn't, but it is argued that the paths that (allegedly) lead in the direction of enlightenment are valuable ones. But people being people, gods have been added to Buddhist practice over the centuries and many superstitious folk beliefs in spirits and ghosts have been incorporated. Many Buddhists in many Asian countries make pilgrimages of hundreds, if not thousands, of miles to holy Buddhist relics, or the temples where venerated monks were said to have performed amazing feats. Many Thai (and other Asian) people will pay obscene amounts of money for amulets that have been blessed by venerated monks. Not all adherents to Buddhism are atheists but belief in gods isn’t required by Buddhism and quite a few Buddhists don’t bother believing in any gods.
Some socialists find Buddhist beliefs reflect the main tenets of historic materialism. The Karmic Law is a ‘cause and effect’ law. Karma is not a cosmic system of justice and retribution. There is no unseen judge pulling the strings of karma to punish wrongdoers. Karma is as impersonal as gravity. What goes up does come down; what you do is what happens to you. According to Buddhism actions return to the actor. Good actions will be returned, and bad actions will also be returned. This is obviously true in social relationships. If we behave with kindness and generosity to our neighbours, they will return our kindness. Conversely, a harmful act may lead to vicious circles of revenge and counter revenge. What goes around, comes around as some say.
Nothing is lost in the universe but everything is in a state of flux and always changing. Rebirth means changing as we are all learning and growing all of the time, not reincarnation. You are no longer the person you were when you were 10 years old (or 10 minutes ago) you have been “reborn” and rebirth takes place in every moment.
Buddhist Politics
But a blind spot exists on the subject of Buddhism is concerned in Leftist circles. Where religion as a whole is condemned as dogmatic and regressive, Buddhism often escapes the criticism.
If vegetarianism and the related concept of non-violence gradually took hold in India, the credit seems to belong to Jain rather than Buddhist ascetics. Buddhism is not necessarily peaceful. In Japan the Zen school was the religion of the samurai, the hereditary military ruling class in Japan for 750 years. Michael Jerryson, co-editor of Buddhist Warfare, a collection of essays , explains "why did I (and many others) hold the belief that Buddhism = Peace (and that other religions, such as Islam, are more prone to violence)? It was then that I realized that I was a consumer of a very successful form of propaganda." South-East Asian Buddhist kingdoms were as militarily aggressive and self-seeking as any other. Jamsaran, the God of War, which was incorporated into the Buddhism of Northern Asia.
Even the Buddha’s rebellion against the caste system has been unable to prevent the Buddhist monks themselves becoming a parasitic burden on the populace.
If we look at historical accounts of Lamaism in Tibet, the picture that emerges is rather different from the idealised, romantic visions perpetrated by Western supporters of the religion such as Richard Gere and others. Until the late 1950s, Tibet like many other feudal societies we are familiar with was largely owned by wealthy monasteries and secular landlords, divided up into manorial estates and worked by serfs. The land owners accumulated enormous levels of wealth at the expense of peasants’ labour. Serfs were tied in lifelong bonds to work the land of the masters and were subjected to heavy taxation. Monasteries acted like banks, lending money to pay the taxes and charging such high levels of interest that many were held in debt to them for years. Punishment for petty crimes was often brutal and monasteries fought between themselves over land possession and local power. In short then, the power structures in ‘old’ Tibet were no better, and no worse, than those in feudal Europe. The peasant boy in Tibet before the Chinese invasion had only two life choices, to be beggared by the aristocracy or buggered by the clergy.
Dalai Lama, the "saintly" icon, in 1996, announced a ban on the worship of a Buddhist deity called Dorje Shugden. He declared this ban not only in his capacity as a "spiritual leader", but as head of a government-in-exile. For the Dalai Lama was at that time the supreme head (unelected) of a state; albeit a state-in-waiting (Tibet) that is based in Dharamsala in northern India. It has a sizeable state machine; a parliament, cabinet, government departments, and most notably a Security Bureau. To fund this a tax is levied on all Tibetan refugees, non-payment of which results in official loss of "citizenship". On the question of democracy, when the Vice President of the Tibetan parliament was asked if any political decision could conceivably be taken in opposition to the Dalai Lama he answered, "no, not possible". Those refusing to accept the ban on Shugden have accordingly been labelled as enemies of the state and Chinese agents and, in reference to Tibet's provision at paper constitution, the government-in-exile has declared that, "concepts like democracy . . . are empty when it comes to the well-being of the Dalai Lama and the common cause of Tibet". The lengths to which the Dalai Lama would be prepared to go to maintain his authority were hinted at in an interview in 1997 where he stated:
"If . . . there was only one learned Lama . . . alive, a person whose death would cause the whole of Tibet to lose all hope of keeping its Buddhist way of life, then it is conceivable that in order to protect that one person it might be justified for one or ten enemies to be eliminated . . .”
Hundreds of cases of house arrest, destruction of personal property, and harassment by Dalai Lama supporters have been reported. In addition posters denouncing religious dissidents have become commonplace in Tibetan exile communities. These notices generally include the name, address and photo of the particular "enemy of the state" and the schools their children attend. It is little wonder that some have become refugees all over again.
In 1996, the Dalai Lama issued a statement that read, “Marxism is founded on moral principles, while capitalism is concerned only with gain and profitability. [Marxism fosters] the equitable utilisation of the means of production [and cares about] the fate of the working classes… For those reasons the system appeals to me, and . . . I think of myself as half-Marxist, half-Buddhist.”
Brian Daizen Victoria documented in his book Zen at War how Buddhist institutions justified Japanese militarism in official publications and cooperated with the Japanese Army on the battlefield. In response to the book, several sects issued an apology for their wartime support of the government.
In Sri Lanka we have witnessed the Venerable Athuraliye Rathana who looks the very embodiment of peace, but when he discussed the Tamil Tigers, he sounded more like an
army general. "Day by day we are weakening them militarily. Talk can come later." Hard-line monks are at the vanguard of Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, which views Tamil Hindus as
outsiders. In January, they joined the government with their own party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya or National Heritage Party. Buddhist monks have also led attacks on Sri Lankan muslims. In Sri Lanka, the issue of halal slaughter has been a flashpoint. Led by monks, members of the Bodu Bala Sena - the Buddhist Brigade - hold rallies, call for direct action and the boycotting of Muslim businesses, and rail against the size of Muslim families.
Nor is it a recent manifestation. Prof Walpola Sri Rahula Maha Thera describes a war of national independence in Sri Lanka in the second century BC conducted under the slogan 'Not for kingdom, but for Buddhism.
In the past few months in Myanmar we have seen Buddhist monks inciting their followers to anti-muslim pogroms. A monk, Ashin Wirathu, who was jailed in 2003 for inciting religious hatred, leads the 969 movement. A religious minority is used as the scapegoat for the frustrated aspirations of the majority we have witnessed many dying in the communal violence.
Christian crusaders, Islamist militants, or the leaders of "freedom-loving nations", all justify what they see as necessary violence in the name of a higher good. Buddhist rulers and monks have been no exception. Any religion starts out, sooner or later it enters into a Faustian pact with state power. Buddhist monks looked to kings, the ultimate wielders of violence, for the support, patronage and order that only they could provide. Kings looked to monks to provide the popular legitimacy that only such a high moral vision can confer.
There is now a school of Buddhism called “Dhammic Socialism” and a growing movement of "Engaged Buddhism" that seeks to change the world but Buddhism, in the end, must also stand accused by socialists as do all other religions.
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