Robert Putnam’s book, “Our Kids: The American Dream in
Crisis,” puts to rest the assumption that race and bad schools are the
predominant factors to blame for rising inequality.
Putnam hypothesizes that class-based residential segregation
was facilitated not only by the roadway infrastructure that allowed higher
earners to flee the city for quieter, higher-income suburbs but also by changes
in federal housing legislation that helped affluent minority families move
there, too. The result: More families live in uniformly poor or affluent
neighborhoods, which has led to a decrease in race-based segregation and an
increase in class-based segregation. “Even when poor and wealthier
schoolchildren live in the same school district, they are increasingly likely
to attend separate and unequal schools,” Putnam writes.
But it is not the schools that determine the students’
ultimate trajectory – which right now means that, according to Putnam, kids
from the top quarter of families in education and income are 17 times more
likely to attend a highly selective college than kids in the bottom quarter. It
is the people who surround the students.
Putnam puts a heavy emphasis on the stark contrasts between
children growing up in cohesive, resource-rich families and those from chaotic,
broken homes with little access to even basic necessities. Putnam makes these
comparisons within races and ethnicities to underscore how affluent black,
Hispanic and white parents nurture their children in nearly the same positive
ways while low-income families struggle nearly identically regardless of their
race. These descriptions draw the conclusion that functional, two-parent
families are the single most important factor to a child’s success. But Putnam
reminds readers that though liberalism is usually blamed for the breakup of the
nuclear family, divorce and single-parent families are especially common in the
heavily Republican, socially conservative Bible Belt.
Putnam says that the totality of data concludes that gaps in
cognitive achievement observed at age 18 – which are powerful predictors of who
goes to college – are mostly present at age 6, when children enter school.
Schools, he says, are certainly unequal but play only a
minor role in alleviating or creating test-score gaps and do little to
exacerbate the so-called opportunity gap. Out-of-school factors such as family
structure, economic insecurity, parental engagement and even the amount of
household TV watching have a much higher effect on test scores and cognitive
and other socioeconomic outcomes than the schools students attend. “The gap is
created more by what happens to kids before they get to school, by things that
happen outside of school and by what kids bring (or don’t bring) with them to
school – some bringing resources and others bringing challenges – than by what
schools do to them,” Putnam writes.
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