The most important thing for the working class to recognise is the class struggle. What is class-consciousness except the simply a recognition of the fact on the part of the worker that his or her interest is identical with the interest of every other worker. Class-consciousness points out the necessity for working-class action, economic and political. The working class have not yet learned how to unite and act together. There are relatively very few capitalists but there are millions of wage workers, yet the capitalists and their political retainers have contrived during all these years to keep the working class divided, and as long as the working class is divided it will be helpless. It is only when the working class learn to unite and to act together that there is any hope for emancipation. As individuals we are helpless, but united we are unstoppable.
Workers ought to unite within the same organisation that is the the expression politically of their class interests. If you support a party that opposes your interests it is because you fail to understand your interests. That is where the capitalists have the better of you. They understand their material interests and how to protect them. Capitalists belong to avowedly capitalist parties. They don’t join a working-class party and they don’t vote for socialists. They know enough to know that socialism is opposed to their economic interests. There will be no change as long as workers continue to support the prevailing capitalist system which they are doomed to slavery and starvation. If members of the working class continue to vote for a party that is against their interests, if they continue to support a system in which they are exploited, then they have no right to complain or protest. They themselves are responsible.
It is clear that unless unity of the working class is brought about the labour movement will prove unable to rally the workers for the struggle against austerity, much less against the economic system as a whole. The current recession is forcing the workers to look upon the question of the unity as a practical question—a question of the preservation of their standard of living against the attacks of the bosses. The disunity of the labour movement should be apparent to every worker and its detrimental consequences is obvious to all. The yearning for unity among workers is real enough. That unity is a very beautiful thing and therefore desirable is not disputed for a moment by the Socialist Party of Great Britain. A united and harmonious socialist movement would make clear to people the lines of conflict between capitalism and socialism. These lines of conflict would be made so definite that no party of compromise can enter the political arena. But with Left Unity and the Peoples Assembly we are not faced with the question of unity “in general,” or of unity in “principle” or of unity in a very remote future, but with the question whether at the present time, in view of the actual economic situation, of the existence of divided organisations is it possible to attain unity and how is it to be brought about.
The reformist Left cling with great tenacity to their old traditions and beliefs of coalitions with non-socialists and even anti-socialists. There is a tendency among some Left political parties to erect party unity into a fetish before which everything else must bow. The integrity of principles becomes secondary. They declare “Why cannot we be together?” The Left beseech the SPGB with the siren call “Become reformists and then you can unite with us.” The Socialist Party asks itself “Can we unite with the reformists when many deny the class struggle?” Suppose the Socialist Party did join such a mixed party. We have the best will in the world to agitate and propagate our point of view in that sphere. But the consequence of our entry would soon begin to show itself. Not wishing to frighten away those elements which are not for socialism and fearing to create bad blood, we would sacrifice clearness of principle to the unity of the movement. Instead of the socialist revolution, we would end up agitating for a vague “workers’ cause.” Instead, therefore, of accelerating the development of the working class in the direction of socialism, we are retarding it.
Differences of opinion on matters of tactics and on some inconsequential points of theory we fully recognise exist even within our own party. But whatever may be said, it is not difficult to distinguish between this and unsoundness of fundamental principles. We are of the opinion that the party case we have held throughout our existence has been correct and stand by it. When the Socialist Party stand for election, it is a vote of confidence in it and of confidence in a revolutionary tomorrow. It is a vote in the form of solidarity and adherence to its principles.
The Socialist Party has no intention of changing ourselves into reformers and those who suggest we do in attempts to arrive at some sort of unity understands little of socialism or of the problem of unity. We are therefore charged with being doctrinaire, stubborn and sectarian rather than have our fundamental differences in the outlook and methods examined on their merits. We are accused of turning our backs upon the labour movement of becoming a sect, to make propaganda from outside for our ideas. This is clearly not the case. A sect consists of belief in its views as the last word of wisdom, and trying to force them on to people . What Marxist has ever preached such tactics? What Marxist ever advocated holding aloof from the Labour movement? No organisation declares “We’ve decided to take a sectarian position.” So-called sectarianism always involves the critical importance of one political position or another. Divergent views and a readiness to subordinate principles to a“unity” based upon the lowest common denominator are not secondary considerations.
Those who preach unity should learn not to misquote what we say, nor distort our position by presenting straw-man arguments of views we do not hold nor put forward. If signs of sectarianism do appear in a Socialist Party, these are only the symptoms of the absence of a general labour movement and is fully exhibited by the Left-wing as well. The Socialist Party of Great Britain understands that the welding together of the whole working class into one unified labour army will only take place in the days of the Social Revolution itself.
Unity is best served by a public debate upon the questions that divide us. Real and serious differences stand in the way of left unity and they will not disappear merely because we might wish them away. The Socialist Party does not cover up real differences, it brings them out into the open and talks about them frankly. Our task consists in giving the aspiration towards unity a genuine content.
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