A wave of anti-immigration sentiment is sweeping Italy, with
populist political leaders appearing to profit from, even to encourage it.
Matteo Salvini, head of the xenophobic Northern League, has seen his ratings
rise after appearing in a T-shirt bearing the phrase: “Stop Invasion”. Even
ex-comic Beppe Grillo, who leads the anti-establishment Five Star Movement,
appears to have stepped up the anti-immigration rhetoric. In one of Rome’s
suburbslocals chanting pro-Mussolini slogans attacked an immigrant holding
centre, calling for the building in the Tor Sapienza district to be closed
after blaming the migrants it houses for “insupportable” levels of street crime
in the area.
But the nastier side of the protests were apparent as
hundreds of people chanted: “The blacks have to go,” and dozens more shouting:
“Long live Il Duce (Mussolini)”
National borders are repeatedly decimated in the name of
‘free market’ capitalism so that corporations can freely move their capital and
profits around the globe to take advantage of cheap labour and natural
resources, particularly in the global South. But while the economy is becoming
increasingly globalized, workers often remains rooted in the nation-state. But
the fate of the world’s population is the farthest thing from the minds of most
workers. They are not concerned with—or fail to see—how the political, economic
and military policies implemented globally by the government they elect
negatively impact many people around the world. The consequences of
prioritizing corporate profits and consumer lifestyles in wealthy nations have
been devastating for many around the world. According to the World Health
Organization, more than 10 million people die annually in Latin America, Africa
and Asia due to a lack of access to adequate healthcare and medicines. This is
the inevitable result of the capitalist system, which prioritizes profits over
everything else. For example, it is more profitable for pharmaceutical
companies to produce ‘lifestyle’ drugs to address such issues as baldness and
other non-life threatening conditions for people in wealthy nations who can
afford to purchase them than to manufacture essential medicines for the poor
who do not constitute a viable market. The inevitable consequence is structural
genocide; a tragedy that has be made visible by the Ebola epidemic in West
Africa.
In September 2013 Australia launched Operation Sovereign
Borders (OSB), a military-led initiative which includes the interception of
boats carrying asylum seekers towards its shores, and detaining them at
off-shore processing centres in Nauru, a small island nation, and Manus Island
(part of Papua New Guinea).
According to government data, as of 30 September there were
1,060 people on Manus Island (all adult men) and 1,140 on Nauru, including 239
women and 186 children. Australia's off-shore processing centres,which house
migrants mostly from Iran, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Sri Lanka, have come under
repeated criticism for their conditions of detention, including in 2013 when
the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said:
"The physical conditions within
detention, together with the slowness of processing and the lack of clarity
regarding safe and sustainable solutions for refugees were likely, together, to
have a serious and negative effect on the health and welfare of people
transferred from Australia."
On 26 September, Australia revealed a plan to
transfer some 1,000 detainees from Nauru to Cambodia. In exchange, Cambodia
will receive a $35 million assistance package, which will be delivered over a
period of four years. According to Morrison, the money will go towards projects
ranging from rice-milling to landmine-clearance. Cambodia currently has only 68
refugees and 12 asylum seekers. The Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) provides most
of their support, such as filing paperwork and finding accommodation. However,
Sister Denise Coghlan, JRS Cambodia director, told reporters that JRS would not
have enough money to support the additional refugees. The Australia-Cambodia
MoU does not specify how much money will be allocated for temporary
accommodation and basic needs - or who will decide how the money is budgeted.
For example, the MoU mandates that temporary accommodation be provided until
the refugees have achieved "basic Khmer language skills", a threshold
that is undefined in the guidelines.
UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres called
the arrangement "a worrying departure from international norms", and
Human Rights Watch argued "Cambodia is not a third safe country."
"It is clear that Australia held some money back in
their aid budget for this contingency in this agreement," said Phil
Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch (HRW). "What it
shows is a further politicization of foreign aid by Canberra, where projects
are not determined by development needs but rather by political
convenience."
A team from the International Organization for Migration
(IOM) visited Cambodia at the request of the government in October to assess
whether they would be able to assist in the relocation process. "Cambodia
will be an incredibly difficult place for refugees. And that's precisely the
point," argued Webb. He explained: "The motivation behind sending
people to Cambodia is the same as the motivation behind detaining them in camps
on Nauru and Manus, turning back boats and denying permanent visas to the
30,000 people already - deterrence."
According to Vivian Tan, regional press officer for UNHCR in
Bangkok, "local integration has been challenging for the existing refugees
[in Cambodia]. Sending large numbers of refugees to Cambodia could challenge
its ability to absorb them in a sustainable way."
Cambodia ranks 136 out of 187 countries in the UN's 2014
Human Development Index; 20 percent of the population lives on less than $1.15
per day, according to the World Bank, and "many people who have escaped
poverty are still at high risk of falling back into poverty." The country
of 15 million people received $1.06 billion in foreign aid in 2013; $68 million
came from Australia. In December 2009 Cambodia forcibly returned 20 ethnic
Uighurs from China who were seeking political asylum, drawing widespread
criticism: Cambodia failed to adhere to its obligations under the 1951 Refugee
Convention, which forbids such returns. It received Chinese aid within days of
the move.
According to the Refugee Action Coalition, detaining a
single asylum seeker on Manus or Nauru costs $309,000 per year, whereas the
cost of supporting those living outside detention centres and in communities is
only $9,300 per year. "We should be investing some of the billions of
dollars we currently spend on border protection and detention into an efficient
UNHCR-led refugee determination process in Indonesia," said officials at
the Victoria-based Asylum Seeker Resource Centre.
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