Was the Left right?

"...the BUF was able to profit so handsomely from what had initially appeared a setback was that, at this stage, it thrived off the publicity that violent opposition produced. The national media, under pressure from the government, largely avoided reporting on Fascist activity other than when disorder occurred. A leading Mosleyite lamented the ‘total silence’ in the press when BUF events passed without incident, complaining that only after disruption by opponents did newspapers show any interest.When such incidents took place the party was able with some success to portray itself as a victim. It claimed that its efforts to exercise free speech legally, through organised meetings and police-approved processions, were being systematically suppressed by left-wing extremists. Whatever the truth of such allegations – and it was certainly the case that anti-fascists were responsible for the majority of disorder, albeit often in the face of Fascist provocation – the Blackshirts elicited a degree of sympathy in certain quarters..."

"...The demonstrators at Cable Street, and their successors in the anti-fascist movement, have understandably taken pride in their achievements that day. Yet far from signalling the beginning of the end for fascism in Britain, or even in the East End, the demonstration yielded a significant short-term boost for the BUF, and did nothing to hinder it in the longer term... "

"...Cable Street simply thrust the BUF back into the limelight after two years of relative national obscurity and provided it with a stage on which to play out its claims of victimhood. This, Mosley argued, had been a perfectly lawful procession, sanctioned by the authorities. The East End housed the core of his supporters. They had every right peacefully to express their political beliefs, yet had been forcibly prevented from doing so by a disorderly mob..."

"Cable Street drew unnecessary attention and new adherents to the party...."

So writes Daniel Tilles, co-editor of the collection Fascism and the Jews: Italy and Britain , in an article The Myth of Cable Street in the magazine History Today.

Not surprisingly much of his views co-incide with the position of the Socialist Party. We STATE unambiguously that ALL censorship is anti-Socialist and anti-working class. As members of the Socialist Party, we are opposed to all censorship, whether it be through the legalised violence as enforced by the courts of the capitalist state or by the violence of self-appointed moral or political guardians. The Socialist Party has a long tradition of offering the platform of debate to everyone. rather than physically fighting with the British Union of Fascists, the National Front, the BNP or the latest manifestation the English Defence League, we have exposed their dangerous racialist nonsense before an audience. That's why the Socialist Party is opposed to the policy of "No Platform for Fascists". On the contrary, we want them up on a platform to face socialist criticism of their erroneous ideas and futile policies.

The ultimate basis of all arguments for censorship is such an assumption that people are too stupid or irresponsible or immature to make up their own minds and that some superior body must therefore decide for them. Mere anti-racialist propaganda on its own, unlinked to propaganda for socialism, can't be effective. It offers no solution to the problems and frustrations which drive some workers to embrace racialism. It leaves unchallenged the cause (capitalism) while trying to deal with the effect (racialism). It is too easy to hate fascists. It is all too simple to paint caricatures of the monstrous chanting skinhead pretend-stormtroopers of the with their swastika tattoos. Fascists grasping on to their Union Jack or Cross of St George rag did not invent them. The flags, and all the other emblems of nationalist patriotic idiocy, were here long before the fascists chose to call their street violence a political philosophy.

Assaulting someone will never change somebody's mind. In fact it probably will reinforce their views. The answer is not to stop fascism by physically fighting or banning them. It is to organise on a world-wide class basis to end capitalism – which, necessarily, involves a rejection of nationalism, racism and religious bigotry.

The psychology of despair is one of the main symptoms of a society. The fascist mentality is part of the rot. And it is futile to blame the rotten fascist for the stupidity of his position. Fascism is a celebration of irrationality. The confused wage slave is capitalism's very best friend. And confused, irrational, unscientific thinking will not be cured by socialists learning how to street-fight better than the fascists. What the fascist needs is to be educated by those who see him not as a despicable fascist, but as just another deluded worker. The only effective way to deal with fascists is to confront their arguments head on.