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Wednesday, September 14, 2011
Union Power
Further to this
Although it’s now clear that trade unions are not the “schools of socialism” they were once seen to be, they should not be written off out of hand. Without them, the workers have no economic weapon to defend themselves against the encroachments of capital. Capitalists would be able to consistently obtain labour-power below its value, instead of being made to pay something nearer its full price. The importance of the unions is therefore clear; a worker in a trade union will generally be closer to class consciousness than any other. They have realised their position in the world as a creator of wealth, and that some form of exploitation is going on that needs to be checked. The failing is simply not bringing this realisation to its logical conclusion: the complete restructuring of society to end this exploitation of which they strive against. That is why our members join them and work with their fellow workers to get what can be got out of employers. Inside them, we advocate a class approach, internal democracy, non-affiliation to a political party, the Socialist Party has held a clear and consistent position that trade unions and political parties need to remain separate.
The Socialist Party have never seen the point of trying to organise a socialist or revolutionary union to rival the existing unions. Since the vast majority of workers today are non-socialists such a union would be small and ineffective. The ideal trade-union, from a socialist point of view, would be one that recognised the irreconcilable conflict of interest between workers and employers, that had no leaders but was organised democratically and controlled by its members, that sought to organise all workers irrespective of nationality, colour, religious or political views, first by industry then into One Big Union, and which struggled not just for higher wages but also for the abolition of the wages system. The trouble is that this cannot become a full reality till large numbers of workers are socialists. In other words, you can’t have a union organised on entirely socialist principles without a socialist membership.The non-revolutionary position of the existing unions (advocating the slogan “a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay”, for instance ) is a reflection, not the cause, of the non-revolutionary ideas of their members. However, when more and more workers come to be socialists the unions will be transformed. In fact, we envisage workers, once they have become socialist, organising both politically and economically to bring in socialism. Politically to wrest political control from the parties of capitalism. Economically, to keep production going during and immediately after the changeover from capitalism to socialism. We don’t envisage the socialist revolution being purely electoral and parliamentary.
The state and the unions came together in the dark days of the last World War. Their collaboration produced production agreements and no-strike clauses, coupled with an increased say for unions in the running of industry. The unions were gradually seduced by the prospect of having more of an institutionalised say in how capitalism was administered. As with too many seductions, it was based on illusions and empty promises. Capitalism can only ever be run in the interest of the masters. In repeated endeavours to save their rocky relationship, the corporate collaborators entered into repeated incomes policies and agreements. The involvement of the state increased the power of the leaders of the unions, and strengthened their position. The unions no longer resembled anything remotely like autonomous self-creation/organisation of the working class. The process is one of continual removal of the working class from any real control over their own economic lives, alienating institutions they created into state domination. If more militant union members are losing the arguments then this reflects a wider passivity: something that is hardly surprising given the shattering defeats organised labour has suffered in Britain in recent decades. Union organisations all over the advanced capitalist world began to suffer from the late 70s onwards, as economic crises and endemic unemployment weakened the workers' negotiating position. Though this isn't to take away from the damage done by union bosses, whose knighthoods and CBEs and OBEs are tawdry campaign medals minted by the real bosses, whose class interests many served.
However, all need not be lost. There are some signs however that union membership and general combativity are rising. Unions have drawn up plans for several one-day strikes over plans to change public sector pensions. As stated above, It's the job of trade unions to protect the jobs, terms and conditions of their members. Ed Miliband was booed and heckled at this weeks TUC conference when he condemned strike action.Trade unions will defy Ed Miliband's plea for them to hold back from striking over cuts to public sector pensions by backing a wave of co-ordinated industrial action later this year. To loud applause Janice Godrich, the president of the Public and Commercial Services Union, challenged him to "stand up on the side of hundreds and thousands of workers whose pensions are under attack" - a forlorn hope.
Millions of people in the public sector are in the midst of a pay freeze. Thousands have lost their jobs. Thousands more face the prospect of redundancy. And now pension rights are under assault. No longer will the tactic be all-out strikes but selective "smart actions". Unison has amassed a strike war chest worth £32.4m.
Let us not forget that strong union movement is vital if our class is to develop some of the solidarity and self-confidence essential for the final abolition of wage slavery.
The whole trade union movement needs a huge shake up from the bottom. Saying bye bye to the Labour Party would be an important first step. Organising with non-hierarchical direct democracy would be a second.
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